Los aspirantes republicanos a las presidenciales 2008 empiezan sus batallas


Aunque puedan parecer escaramuzas, una de las lecciones más claras lecciones de las midterms elections para el Partido Republicano es que necesitan mantener un mensaje claro y coherente.

A la espera de Mel Martínez, los principales aspirantes a la candidatura republicana en 2008 empiezan sus particulares batallas.

Nos lo cuenta el NYT

McCain Courts Crucial Support of Governors
By ADAM NAGOURNEY

DORAL, Fla., Nov. 30 — Last anyone checked, Senator John McCain of Arizona is not — and has never been — a governor.

But no matter. Mr. McCain turned up on Thursday morning at the Doral Golf Resort and Spa here for a guerrillalike visit to the annual meeting of the Republican Governors Association. That is a group headed by Mitt Romney, the Massachusetts governor who is widely viewed as Mr. McCain’s chief rival for their party’s 2008 presidential nomination.

As Mr. Romney gamely presided over the morning session of the meeting, Mr. McCain commandeered a room at the Doral Resort for eight hours of meetings with nine Republican governors, including Gov.-elect Charlie Crist of Florida, according to Republicans familiar with his schedule.

On Thursday evening, many of those at the conference were bused to an elaborate reception, courtesy of Mr. McCain, at a resort hotel in Miami Lakes. Somehow, no reception rooms were available for him here.

Mr. Romney has hoped, like George W. Bush in 2000 and Bob Dole in 1996, to use the overwhelming support of the Republican governors as a springboard to the presidential nomination. Mr. McCain served notice with his incursion that Mr. Romney could not take them for granted.

That said, the fact that Mr. McCain decided to fly here for three days and spend $50,000 on a reception that lathered governors with platters of shrimp and three open bars suggests just how much Mr. Romney has complicated his efforts to position himself as the inevitable nominee.

Mr. Romney politely deferred questions about 2008 when he appeared at a news conference with about 12 other governors who spent much of the session analyzing the reasons for the Republican defeats on Nov. 7 and what needed to be done to get the party back on track.

“We’re not getting into ’08 considerations at this press briefing,” he said.

But Mr. McCain’s team was only too glad to oblige, saying they were scooping up tentative endorsements on Mr. Romney’s watch.

“We have a number of governors who are committed to John, but we are not ready to announce them yet,” said John Weaver, Mr. McCain’s senior political adviser.

Mr. Weaver strode slowly and conspicuously through the Doral lobby, teeming with governors, aides and Washington Republican consultants.

Mr. Romney’s aides disputed Mr. Weaver’s statement, and indeed, it would not be out of character for Mr. Weaver to be exaggerating a bit as part of a strategy to persuade recalcitrant governors to jump on a departing train.

Mr. McCain, in an interview on Thursday evening, said he was in no way invading Mr. Romney’s territory.

“I’ve known these guys for years,” he said. “I’ve campaigned for these people. I don’t see how that’s anybody’s territory.”

All this provided a fair amount of entertainment and helped leaven a meeting that was otherwise filled with somber assessments of the recent election that saw Republicans swept out of power in Congress.

The Republican National Committee chairman, Ken Mehlman, warned against viewing the losses as a temporary setback created by a tough electoral environment.

“We can’t simply write this election off as preordained, as the natural order of things to be automatically rectified in two years,” Mr. Mehlman said, warning that the party has to figure out ways to increase its appeal.

This very exclusive group that Mr. McCain and Mr. Romney are fighting over was also diminished in the election. There will be just 22 Republican governors next year, compared with 28 now.

Governors’ support has historically proved important in primary battles and general elections. Besides the presumed prestige of endorsements, governors can deliver political machines, troves of contributors and control over state offices like boards of elections.

The success of Mr. Bush, then governor of Texas, at establishing himself as a front-runner early in the 2000 race developed in no small part because he became the favorite candidate of Republican governors.

“Often more than House members and senators, governors have state structures and can make significant impacts in their state,” Mr. Weaver said.

Mr. McCain’s schedule included meetings on Thursday and Friday morning with the governors of Alabama, Mississippi, Indiana, Kentucky, North and South Dakota, Texas and Vermont.

Gov. Tim Pawlenty of Minnesota drove to the evening reception with Mr. McCain and later said in an interview he intended to support Mr. McCain if he ran for president.

Still, several governors said in interviews they would not be making a decision this early.

“I don’t know who a single governor is supporting,” said Gov. Haley Barbour of Mississippi, a former chairman of the Republican National Committee.

Mr. Barbour did say, though, that Mr. Romney, whose duties as head of the Republican Governors Association included handing out checks to Republican candidates for governor, was popular with this group of Republicans.

“Everybody likes him, and he did a very good job,” he said. “But look, nobody can assume anything.”

The guest list for Mr. McCain’s reception included Mr. Romney and his political team. They sent their regrets, saying they were too busy with the affairs of the conference.

Mr. Romney was in a bit of a tricky position. On one hand, aides said, he did not want to look as if he was commandeering the association as a campaign tool, particularly when some of Mr. McCain’s supporters have been suggesting that he was guilty of precisely that.

That said, Mr. Romney’s tenure as head of this group is one reason that he is viewed as being so strongly positioned for 2008. The post has allowed him to travel around the country, including visits to important states like Iowa, appearing before Republican activists and earning good will with the same candidates, elected officials and state party leaders who are going to be critical in winning battles.

A spokesman for Mr. Romney, Eric Fehrnstrom, said the governor was not available for comment on Mr. McCain’s political activities.

“Governor Romney’s focused on his speech, which looks at a new generation of challenges facing America and what we must do to meet them,” Mr. Fehrnstrom said. “It makes sense for Senator McCain to be here honoring Republican governors, because as a group they are fiscally conservative and innovators in education and health care policy. The answers to many of the challenges facing our nation can be found in what they are doing every day.”

¿Quién establece la agenda? La contraprogramación informativa

Algunos podrían pensar que desde que el gobierno de Zp llegó al poder ha sido agraciado por una serie de casualidades, regalos del destino que hacen que a la opinión pública se le hayan olvidado, uno tras otro algunos de los acontecimientos más lamentables de la democracia en España.

Cada día es más evidente que nada de esto es casual y el aparato de comunicación del gobierno de Moncloa está demostrando una habilidad espectacular a la hora de marcar la agenda del debate público. La gran ventaja que tiene esta estrategia de comunicación es que es en si misma un éxito, incluso cuando es descubierta.

La clave está en lograr que se hable poco de lo malo, y mucho de lo bueno o de lo indiferente, de ahí que incluso el hecho de que algunos hablen de contraprogramación contribuye a alejar el foco del problema principal y lograr que unos y otros terminen hablando de lo accesorio.

Cuando frente a la salida de un millón de personas a la calle, el problema es de cifras, cuando frente a una denuncia de la inseguridad ciudadana el problema es de imágenes, o cuando ante las presiones sobre el poder judicial, salta una nueva operación malaya…. los ciudadanos son conducidos a pensar en otros asuntos, que evitan el desgaste del gobierno socialista y, sobre todo, que evitan que se genere un estado de opinión pública común, como el que existía en los últimos años del gobierno de Aznar, en torno al concepto de «prepotencia» o «alejamiento de los ciudadanos», cuando todo lo que hacía el gobierno, malo, regular o incluso bueno, acababa remachando esa misma idea, la de un gobierno autista que incluso las buenas decisiones las adoptaba alejado de los ciudadanos.

Ante esta situación lo más fácil es echar la culpa a los medios, que no informan de lo importante, e incluir en el mismo saco a la opinión pública de «pan, circo y aquí hay tomate» contra la que no se podría hacer nada.

La otra opción es la de intentarlo.
a) Denunciar qué es importante y qué son elementos de distracción, y sin entrar al trapo repetir el mensaje propio. Un buen ejemplo de hoy mismo, el de Otegui
b) Definir el mensajo, no dejarse llevar por la variedad de los frentes de ataque y tratar de concentrar todas las fuerzas en uno o dos puntos, a los que reconducir todo y que terminen por generar un estado de opinión al que reconducir todas las noticias.

La guerra de los videos

No se si será la novedad y la falta de costumbre, pero los videos políticos parecen indigestarse al que los lanza, al menos aparentemente.

No hay duda que la polémica está conseguiendo llamar la atención del público, y lograr, de momento, «colocar» su contenido en el telediario y aparecer en la lista de superhits de youtube. Pero la difusión no es suficiente, son muchos los que han criticado ambas iniciativas por agresivas, polémicas, chapuceras o, simplemente, por tratarse de publicidad negativa.

En mi opinión son herramientas tremendamente eficaces, imprescindibles para la batalla política, que se irán simplificando y empleando con total normalidad, a pesar de los resbalones y las meteduras de pata.

Lo que cuesta una campaña electoral….


Hillary Clinton no se anda con chiquitas, pese a tener prácticamente asegurada su reelección se ha gastado un pastón en la campaña electoral, pensando quizás, tanto ella como sus donantes, que esto no era más que el inicio de una campaña electoral mucho más importante.

Nos lo cuenta el NYT con todo lujo de detalles (realmente interesantes para los frikies de las campañas).

Clinton Won Easily, but Bankroll Shows the Toll
By ANNE E. KORNBLUT and JEFF ZELENY
November 21, 2006

WASHINGTON, Nov. 20 — She had only token opposition, but Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton still spent more on her re-election — upward of $30 million — than any other candidate for Senate this year. So where did all the money go?

It helped Mrs. Clinton win a margin of victory of more than 30 points. It helped her build a new set of campaign contributors. And it allowed her to begin assembling the nuts and bolts needed to run a presidential campaign.

But that was not all. Mrs. Clinton also bought more than $13,000 worth of flowers, mostly for fund-raising events and as thank-yous for donors. She laid out $27,000 for valet parking, paid as much as $800 in a single month in credit card interest and — above all — paid tens of thousands of dollars a month to an assortment of consultants and aides.

Throw in $17 million in advertising and fund-raising mailings, and what had been one of the most formidable war chests in politics was depleted to a level that leaves Mrs. Clinton with little financial advantage over her potential rivals for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination — and perhaps even trailing some of them.

The campaign’s financial record has fueled some criticism among Democratic activists and prompted concern among Mrs. Clinton’s supporters, including complaints from some of her fund-raisers that her top aides exercised a lack of discipline.

As of mid-October, when her campaign last filed a disclosure statement with the Federal Election Commission, the senator had about $14 million on hand. That figure did not take into account spending or fund-raising in the final three weeks of the campaign, although the final tally is not expected to change much.

The Democratic Daily, a liberal Web site, accused Mrs. Clinton of “blowing a shameful $36 million” on a shoo-in campaign. The only other Senate candidate to come close to her spending level was Senator Rick Santorum, Republican of Pennsylvania, who spent about $24 million unsuccessfully defending his seat.

Mrs. Clinton’s cash on hand is certainly less than the $20 million to $30 million some of her advisers early this year predicted she would have in the bank as she moved from her Senate re-election toward a decision about a presidential campaign. She is now in the same ballpark as two fellow Democrats, Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, who had $13.8 million in his account as of Sept. 30, according to election commission records, and Senator Evan Bayh of Indiana, who had $10.6 million. The law allows money left in a Senate campaign fund to be transferred to a presidential campaign.

Aides to Mrs. Clinton said she was not available for comment. Asked whether she was satisfied with the way the money had been spent, and whether the campaign’s expenditures were within the norms of politics today, the executive director of her campaign organization, Patti Solis Doyle, replied in an e-mailed statement: “We’re very pleased with the outcome of this election: the bottom line is victory with 67 percent of the vote, a substantial increase among independents and Republicans, and a list of several hundred thousand donors, beneficial in this and future campaigns.”

Yet the way she spent the money troubled some of Mrs. Clinton’s supporters, many of whom have been called on repeatedly over the years to raise and give money for Bill Clinton’s two presidential campaigns, his legal expenses, his library, his global antipoverty and AIDS-fighting program and now his wife’s political career. One Clinton supporter said it would become harder to tap repeat donors if it appeared that the money was not being well spent.

Nonetheless, the senator is among the most formidable fund-raisers in her party and could raise a large amount of money quickly if needed.

Since 2001, when she took office, Mrs. Clinton has spent at least $36 million on her re-election. For 2005 and 2006 through Oct. 18, she spent $29.5 million; a final tally will not be available until next month.

At that level, she spent nearly twice as much as Senator Charles E. Schumer, her Democratic colleague from New York, did in his 2004 re-election campaign, when he spent $15.5 million and won 71 percent of the vote, four points more than Mrs. Clinton won this year.

For her money, Mrs. Clinton also won a slightly smaller percentage of the vote in New York this year than did Eliot Spitzer in his successful race for governor. Mr. Spitzer, who raised nearly $41 million for his campaign, won 69 percent of the vote.

Mark Penn, Mrs. Clinton’s pollster and longtime adviser, received at least $1.1 million. Mandy Grunwald, her longtime communications strategist, received more than $930,000. Hudson Media Partners, an offshoot of the Glover Park Group consulting firm where two prominent Clinton advisers, Howard Wolfson and Gigi Georges, work, received nearly $200,000.

Campaign aides said much of the consulting work went toward building a donor list that would be vital in a presidential race. But they did not specify the work done by each of the consultants or say exactly how much of the money they received went to preparing for a presidential run rather than Mrs. Clinton’s Senate re-election. And the figures have raised eyebrows among the people who raise money for her.

“We’re not in this business to make consultants rich,” said one fund-raiser for Mrs. Clinton who was granted anonymity in order to speak freely about the direction of the campaign.

“The wasting of money — it drives everybody crazy,” the fund-raiser said. “She’d better get a handle on this if she is going to run for president.”

Beyond the level of spending, there is also some concern within the Clinton camp about the adequacy of the controls on what is being spent.

A close friend of Mrs. Clinton, Maggie Williams, received a $37,500 consulting fee, paid to her firm, Griffin Williams Critical Point Management, at the end of July.

Asked what the payment was for, Mrs. Clinton’s campaign aides checked and subsequently responded that the payment had been a mistake. They said it should have been for less than $5,000 to reimburse Ms. Williams, who served as chief of staff to Mrs. Clinton in the White House, for travel costs. They said Ms. Williams would return the extra money. Ms. Williams, who was said by Mrs. Clinton’s aides to be traveling, did not return a call to her office.

“Donors, like voters, increasingly expect candidates to exercise fiscal discipline,” said Mark McKinnon, an adviser to Senator John McCain, Republican of Arizona and a possible presidential candidate, and a veteran of President Bush’s two penny-pinching campaigns for the White House.

Political campaigns are expensive affairs for any candidate, especially those running in a state as big as New York. Some of Mrs. Clinton’s expenditures, including the more than $10 million for direct mail fund-raising solicitations, will pay off if she runs for president by giving her an expanded list of individual donors around the nation.

She has now amassed a database that includes several hundred thousand new donors, 90 percent of whom contributed $100 or less, her advisers said. Under the new campaign finance law, such small donors are considered crucial to raising the large sums of money needed for a presidential campaign.

Other types of expenses are seen by campaigns as necessary good-will gestures toward donors and other supporters; Mrs. Clinton’s campaign cited this in justifying the roughly $51,000 she spent on professional photographers to provide pictures of her with guests. The candidate also sought to generate good will among her fellow Democratic candidates by giving more than $2.5 million to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and other party groups.

Candidates routinely use campaign money for all types of expenses. Representative Corrine Brown, Democrat of Florida, spent $24,000 of her campaign money this year on flowers; her campaign said she sent them to the families of constituents who died. Representative Richard W. Pombo, Republican of California, spent $17,250 on balloons for a single event in July.

Mrs. Clinton’s aides offered varying explanations for her spending record. Some, speaking on the condition of anonymity because they are barred from discussing Mrs. Clinton’s intentions for 2008, said much of the spending amounted to an investment in voter and fund-raising databases that could form the basis of a presidential campaign. Others said the money went to ensuring as convincing a victory as possible.

“We in fact did what we said we would do, which was raise it for a campaign in 2006,” said Ann Lewis, the communications director for her campaign.

The most expensive components of any political campaign are often direct mail solicitations and television advertising, and Mrs. Clinton paid Media Strategies Research, a Democratic firm in Denver, $1.58 million in the third quarter of the year alone. She spent at least $7 million on advertising over all.

Yet Mrs. Clinton has also continued to travel and entertain in style. Around $160,000 was spent on private jet travel for her and her advisers in 2006. Her catering and entertaining bill was at least $746,450, with tabs ranging from a $124,155 bill at the New York Hilton to a $2,500 bill for a backroom fund-raiser at Ben’s Chili Bowl, the famous Washington hot dog shop.

Suevon Lee contributed reporting.

El video del PP

Un video del PP que ha sido proyectado en su Conferencia sobre seguridad ha vuelto a levantar la polémica sobre la publicidad negativa en la política nacional.

El video:

presenta con imágenes de delitos bastante llamativas una España más insegura y señala a Rubalcaba, Conde Pumpido y Fernández de la Vega como culpables.

La polémica levantada ha provocado que el video haya sido emitido en los telediarios, pronto la cadena ser ha señalado que algunas de las imágenes pertenecian a tiempos de Aznar, cuando Rajoy era ministro del interior, y en youtube el video tiene alrededor de las 700 entradas en medio día.

Muchos se preguntaran si el video y la polémica generada favorece al PP o se le ha vuelto en su contra como un boomerang.

Yo me inclino más por la primera opción, un video de consumo interno se ha convertido en noticia, y su contenido perjudica al gobierno socialista…

Se abre la veda a otras opiniones….